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1:11
Hello, and welcome to the History
1:13
of China. Episode 259,
1:20
Dorgon's Domination, Death, and
1:22
Downfall. Whenever
1:28
our Imperial expeditions took place, it
1:30
was always the Uncle Prince Dorgon who
1:33
led us and devised the winning strategy.
1:36
Whether laying siege to cities or fighting on
1:38
the battlefields, he could not but conquer
1:40
and capture. While the Uncle
1:42
Prince is youthful, he is also conscientious,
1:45
being righteous and forthright. Loyal
1:48
and virtuous, he embodies the state.
1:51
He has helped realize the great enterprise.
1:55
In
1:55
addition, he helped us to ascend
1:57
to the throne and aids us personally.
3:09
that
3:50
for he decided to place the most
3:52
successful the ming disasters in command other
3:54
seen forces in hunan john c
3:57
and guangdong became
4:00
the first Han Chinese general-in-chief.
4:03
He was joined by Shang Ke-si and Gong
4:05
Zhong-ming. These three were the
4:07
only Han Chinese commanders to have been honored as princes
4:10
by Hong Tai Ji, and it was as Qing princes
4:12
that they took command. With
4:14
this move, Dorgon displayed his faith in their
4:16
loyalty and their abilities, but he acknowledged
4:19
that Manchu princes and banner commanders alone were
4:21
no longer sufficient to so great a task
4:23
as conquering the south of China. Another
4:26
area of particular headaches for the Qing conquerors
4:28
was the Peninsular Province of Shandong, jetting
4:31
out into the eastern sea, which had long
4:33
been the seat of rebel and bandit power and resistance
4:36
to centralized control. This
4:38
was exacerbated, not only in Shandong
4:40
but actually across the empire, by the proliferation
4:42
of firearms across East Asia in
4:45
the early decades of the 17th century. In
4:47
China, as the Ming authority had cracks, buckled,
4:50
and finally crumbled, local militias
4:52
and individual citizens alike had rushed to
4:54
equip and arm themselves against the threats that
4:56
constantly loomed in such an era of chaos.
5:00
Foreign bot cannons as well as locally produced guns
5:02
were widely available and used by the regular
5:04
military and rebel forces alike. As
5:07
such, it was an extremely high priority
5:10
for the new Qing authority to control and,
5:12
at least as much as was possible, curb such
5:15
private firearm possession. On
5:17
December 1, 1646 then,
5:20
the central government proclaimed a new edict. Quote,
5:23
In order to shut off the bandits sources of supply,
5:26
it is forbidden for people to trade privately
5:29
in horses, mules, armor, helmets,
5:31
bows, arrows, knives, guns,
5:34
cannons, and muskets. We
5:36
will follow the request of Ingoldi, President
5:39
of the Board of Revenue. End quote. Unsurprisingly,
5:43
many of the locals were rather less
5:45
than willing to turn in their weapons and armor
5:48
and cease the now illicit trade of such.
5:51
It would take many years before the edict was able to
5:53
be truly and fully enforced. Nevertheless,
5:56
the fastidious recordings of every
5:58
weapon thus seized by authorities all across
6:00
the Empire, underlines the seriousness
6:03
with which the Qing officials took their mandate to
6:05
disarm the indigenous Chinese and bring
6:07
them more firmly under their imperial control. At
6:10
first, the government focused its attention mainly
6:13
on controlling firearms and horses by
6:15
policing the communications systems. Transients
6:18
and travelers, for instance, were the major target
6:20
as they seemed to be the most potentially threatening. In
6:24
April 1647, special laws
6:26
were announced for Beijing itself and its surrounding
6:28
districts. 1. All
6:30
arms makers in the city had to register with their local
6:32
taxation offices, and anyone other
6:34
than officials and soldiers who wanted to buy a weapon had
6:36
to register their name and pay a special tax.
6:40
Private arms dealers would be severely punished.
6:44
2. Baojia units, which is to say local law enforcement
6:46
officials, would be instituted on a ward-by-ward
6:49
basis. 3. Strangers
6:51
were to be arrested if they were seen carrying
6:54
weapons. 4. The
6:56
practice of allowing lawless elements either to
6:58
join Manchu households as slaves or the
7:00
rearguards of imperial correction forces as
7:02
camp followers was strictly prohibited, with
7:04
future infractions being severely punished. 5. Special
7:08
Manchu guardians were assigned to checkpoints outside
7:10
the outer gates of the city to examine everyone
7:13
and everything entering the capital. 6. Sheds
7:17
and guardposts were ordered built outside
7:19
the walls to house the bannermen assigned to patrol
7:22
the face of the walls at their base. These were
7:24
to replace the long-disused and unmaintained local
7:26
police Pu Shih stations of the
7:28
Ming period. 7. Provincial
7:31
officials were told that households engaged in
7:33
horse-breathing henceforth would have to have special
7:35
permits and restrict the sale of livestock
7:38
to quote-unquote reliable elements. 8. Innkeepers
7:42
and hostlers were warned that they would have to ask
7:45
any men riding horses to show that they possessed
7:47
permits for the animals. If their
7:49
suspicions were aroused, they would have to report
7:51
the fact immediately to the local defense officials.
7:55
Initially, in 1848, it was
7:58
further stipulated that authorities across Great Chateau should
8:00
take efforts to confiscate all horses
8:02
and weapons from the civilian population, paying
8:05
for the horses, storing the useful weapons that
8:07
they could, and then destroying the rest.
8:10
Yet this quickly proved to be an unfeasible plan.
8:13
If they were completely disarmed, complained the populace,
8:16
then they would have no means of protecting themselves against
8:18
the bandits that yet roamed the countryside at
8:20
large, and who surely would not comply
8:22
with orders to disarm. Forced
8:25
to agree that this was actually a reasonable
8:27
complaint, Prince Dorgon, within
8:29
a year, reversed the policy and instituted
8:32
a set of reforms that amounted to, the answer
8:34
to bad guys with guns is good guys with
8:36
guns. He wrote as much on May 6,
8:38
1649, in an edict that said, Recently,
8:42
we have heard that the people have no weapons and cannot
8:45
repel aggressors. Bandits, on the other
8:47
hand, can profit, and the good people have to endure
8:49
bitter and poisonous misfortunes. Now,
8:52
we think that the weapons and armor which the people originally
8:54
ought not to have had, and which were
8:56
strictly forbidden in the past, such as muskets, fouling
8:59
pieces, bows and arrows, knives, spears,
9:01
and horses, ought now to be retained in
9:04
their possession and not forbidden. Return
9:06
to their original owners, those weapons which were initially
9:09
turned over to the officials. The
9:12
interesting thing about this whole weapons can't
9:15
have them, now you can't have them bit, is just how kind
9:17
of chaotic and not
9:19
really having well thought through things. The Ching's
9:22
policies early on really are. There's
9:24
a lot of throwing spaghetti at the wall and seeing what sticks
9:26
in terms of policy decisions. Not only in
9:28
terms of weapons and armor and horses,
9:31
but also even things like whether or not the
9:33
indigenous Han population was expected
9:36
to cut their hair in the Ching style, which last
9:38
time we talked about. It was initially no
9:40
only army units had to, but then all of a sudden, oh yes,
9:42
everybody has to. It's this kind of ill-conceived,
9:46
not really thought-out planning that really leads
9:48
to a lot of dissatisfaction, even
9:50
further dissatisfaction, among large elements
9:53
of the populace and leads to further resistance. These
9:55
sort of displays of needless incompetence
9:58
that really if they just stopped, and thought
10:00
about things a little bit longer, maybe they could have avoided. Anyways,
10:05
the military campaign in the Southeast coastal
10:07
region, on the other hand, continued to unfold as
10:09
rapidly as the campaigning of the Nanjing regime had.
10:12
Prince Volo's commanders included Tulei and
10:14
Li Chengdong, the Butcher of Jia Ding.
10:18
Capturing Xiaoxing from Ming forces in the spring of 1646, they
10:21
then moved on through southern Zhejiang and
10:23
Fujian onto Fuzhou, forcing
10:26
the court of the Ming Prince of Tang, aka
10:28
the self-styled Longwu Emperor, to
10:31
flee into the mountains to the west, where he hoped
10:33
to link up with He Tengjiao in Hunan.
10:36
In early October, Tulei captured
10:39
Fuzhou and obtained the surrender of the naval commander,
10:41
Zheng Zilong, who returned with Volo
10:43
to Beijing. Under
10:45
Qing pressure, Zheng continued to plead
10:47
with his son, Zheng Tenggong, to surrender
10:50
until the latter finally denounced his father as a traitor
10:52
in 1653. Of
10:55
no more use to them, the Qing had Zilong
10:57
executed for his failure to convince his son to
10:59
come over to their side. Zheng
11:02
Tenggong, you'll remember, is more famously
11:04
known as Koxinga. While
11:07
Tulei was in Fuzhou, Li Chengdong pursued
11:09
the fleeing Prince to Tengzhou, where he captured
11:11
him, bringing an end to this second southern imperial
11:14
would-be regime. From
11:16
the mountains of Fujian, Li Chengdong pressed
11:18
on into southern Jiangxi and threw
11:20
the pass towards Canton, where the Prince of Tang's
11:22
brother proclaimed himself successor in
11:25
early December. By January 1647,
11:27
Canton was in Qing hands. Jiangxi
11:30
Province was under the military thumb of Jin Shenghuan,
11:33
a Ming general, who had surrendered to Ajigu the
11:35
previous year, and the campaign against
11:37
Changsha by the reinforcements of Kong Yu
11:39
De. Volo left Canton
11:42
in the hands of Lieutenant Commander Tong Yongjia and
11:44
Li Chengdong, and then returned to Beijing.
11:47
The southeast was now pacified, but
11:50
the armies that occupied that region and the overland transportation
11:52
routes were made up of Ming defectors, while
11:55
Zhang Zhelong's navy under his brother and his son
11:57
continued to dominate the islands off the coast. And
12:01
Bolo returned without one of Dorgon's most able commanders,
12:03
Tulai, who had died fighting Ming holdouts
12:06
on the treacherous route home. The
12:08
third, largest, and for
12:11
the Qing, the most strategically important campaign
12:13
of 1646 and 1647, was
12:15
directed against Zhang Xianzong and Sichuan. Dorgon
12:18
appointed Hao Ge, General-in-Chief, in February,
12:21
after the case against Tan Tai was settled. Together
12:24
with him on this campaign would be two other princes
12:27
of the blood, Nerhachi's sons,
12:30
the Beilu, or Prince of the Third Rank,
12:32
Nican, and the Beisue, or Prince
12:34
of the Fourth Rank, Mandehi. Dorgon's
12:37
confidant, Holhui, who had brought on
12:39
Hao Ge's demotion in 1644, and who now replaced
12:42
Tulai as commander-in-chief of the plain yellow
12:44
banner army, was already in the field
12:47
with the Shanxi governor Meng Chiao Fang and
12:50
the banner commanders Li Guohan and Bayan
12:52
under his command. Zhang's forces
12:54
remained in control of most of the province,
12:57
with other rebels that had spun off from Li Zetang's
12:59
forces still plaguing the Qing to the south
13:01
and north, until the Qing armies finally penetrated
13:04
the province in early winter. On
13:07
January 2, 1647, the guard's
13:09
Lieutenant Commander Suiai met Zhang,
13:12
who was pushing northward towards Xian and
13:14
killed him during the attack. According
13:17
to reports, the Qing armies annihilated more than 130
13:19
companies in the attack, sending two
13:22
of Zhang's generals, Sun Guo Wang and Li Dingguo,
13:25
with their troops into Yunnan, where
13:27
some years later they were to seek out the last
13:29
Ming pretender, the so-called Yongli Emperor,
13:32
and mount a new attack on the Qing from the southwest.
13:36
The death of Zhang Xianzong came less than
13:38
a week before the Qing occupation of Canton,
13:41
and less than three months before Changsha fell
13:43
to the forces of Kong Yu De. From
13:45
then until the winter of 1648, it appeared
13:48
as if the Qing had established itself everywhere
13:51
but the extreme southwest. Laoga
13:54
remained in the west as general-in-chief until January,
13:56
presiding over campaigns against the fragmented
13:58
rebel armies. Li Chengdong
14:01
was occupied with a persistent literati
14:03
resistance movement in the hinterlands of Canton
14:05
until November, after which he was free
14:08
to finally assist the Han Chinese princes in
14:10
their faltering efforts to secure Guilin,
14:13
the capital of Guangxi Province, and a key city
14:15
on the route from Hunan to Guangdong. When
14:18
Hao Ge returns to Beijing in February, it
14:21
appeared that it was about time for another strategic reshuffling
14:23
and a final major campaign into the
14:25
southwest. But
14:27
this final southwestern push was not to occur
14:30
for another decade. By the time
14:32
Hao Ge reached Beijing, Jiangxi Province
14:34
was in revolt. By late spring,
14:36
Guangdong had joined. News
14:39
of Jin Shenghong's revolt in Jiangxi reached
14:41
the capital one week after Hao Ge's triumph of return
14:43
from the west. Jin was
14:45
a Liao Dongmen, who had risen to a
14:48
commander's position in the army of the Ming General
14:50
in chief, Zuo Liangyu. When
14:53
Zuo's army surrendered to Ajigu at Zhejiang
14:55
in 1645, Jin remained in Jiangxi and
14:58
succeeded in keeping the province under control
15:01
during the campaigns against his southern Ming in the southeastern
15:03
coastal region and the provincial army
15:05
of He Tongjiao and Hunan. Once
15:08
the south was pacified, however, the Qing
15:11
began to appoint civilian governors. Observing
15:14
the princely rank and power of the Han Chinese
15:16
generals in Hunan, who had not yet succeeded
15:18
in defeating He Tongjiao, Jin
15:20
thought he deserved better than a provincial brigade
15:22
for his accomplishments. In
15:25
February, he killed his civilian superiors
15:27
and switched his allegiance to the southern Ming
15:29
court in Guilin. Li
15:32
Chengdong, the northern turncoat who found
15:34
himself in a similar position in Canton, did
15:36
the same in early May. The
15:39
tide had suddenly shifted against the
15:41
Qing conquest. Meanwhile,
15:45
in Beijing, jubilation over the defeat
15:47
of Jiangxi and Zhang soon turned to suspicion.
15:50
On February 25th, 1648, Hao Gao
15:52
was fated in the palace by the child emperor
15:54
and the princes and grand ministers for his
15:57
merit. On March 29th, he was in
16:00
imprisoned for having challenged Dorgon's authority
16:02
in the field. Specifically,
16:04
Haugah had failed to credit Subai, a Dorgon
16:07
supporter and member of Dorgon's white banner, in
16:09
the crucial battle against Dang. He
16:12
had also tried to appoint his own men as commanders
16:14
of the vanguard and guards brigadier. When
16:17
initiating a military campaign, Dorgon
16:19
granted the general and chief final authority and strategic
16:21
planning, but personnel decisions were to
16:24
be made by the princes and commanders in the field as
16:26
a body. The principle
16:28
of consensus that it helped to balance power
16:30
among the Manchu leaders since Nohachi's time still
16:33
had a role to play in the field. Dorgon
16:36
himself had accepted this principle in the Succession
16:38
dispute of 1643, and again in
16:40
his dispute with Tulai and Soni over
16:42
Tan Tai's behavior in 1646. Haugah's
16:46
crime, it appears at least, was
16:48
his attempt to enhance his authority as
16:50
general and chief by appointing his own
16:52
favorites to key positions against
16:54
the consensus of the commanders.
16:57
Yet Dorgon himself was not a champion of
17:00
collective rule for its own soul.
17:03
And the case against Haugah did not actually begin
17:05
with his behavior in the field. Having
17:07
smelled a conspiracy in Soni and Tulai's
17:09
attack on Tan Tai, Dorgon
17:12
and his supporters now suspected a broader
17:14
scheme, rooted in the Succession dispute five
17:16
years earlier. This time,
17:18
the charge of conspiracy was expanded to include
17:21
Haugah, Jurgalong, and
17:23
all the officers of the two yellow banners who
17:26
had insisted that Succession should pass to the
17:28
son of Hong Taiji. On
17:30
March 27th, Tunzi, who was
17:32
the nephew of Jurgalong, and now commander-in-chief
17:34
of Jurgalong's blue-bordered banner, told
17:37
the deliberative council that his uncle
17:39
had met with Soni and Tulai
17:41
in private in 1643 to discuss
17:44
the possibility of supporting Haugah for the Succession.
17:48
Jurgalong was reported to have agreed with the others that Haugah
17:50
should succeed, but to have warned them that
17:52
he did not yet know what Dorgong thought. No
17:56
harm in that, but Dorgong's supporters
17:58
now argued that the group continued to be to support
18:00
Hauga as a challenger to the Prince Regent.
18:04
As evidence, they pointed to the order of the Manchu
18:06
banners in the procession that had already brought
18:08
the child emperor to Beijing in 1644. With the
18:12
Organs plain white already in Beijing, Zhuge
18:14
Long's bordered blue had been
18:17
followed first by the demoted Hauga's
18:19
plain blue, and only then by the imperial
18:21
Prince Doro's bordered white. This
18:24
meant that Hauga's wife had proceeded the wise of
18:26
Ajiga and Doro to Beijing. The
18:29
privilege thus shown to Hauga's wife
18:31
in the order of procession which was authorized
18:34
by Zhuge Long showed Sony's influence,
18:37
and was certainly understood by Hauga to indicate
18:39
Zhuge Long's support. The
18:41
real conspirators, however, were Sony, Tulai,
18:44
Oboy, and the others who had vowed
18:46
to stand fast against Doron. Tan
18:49
Tai, who had since broken from the group, escaped
18:52
blame altogether. So
18:54
this is as good a moment as any to discuss
18:57
in a little bit more detail the banner system
18:59
of the Manchus and Qing.
19:03
Altogether, there are eight banners
19:05
in four colors which each
19:07
have a banded or bordered
19:10
version and an unbanded or unbordered
19:12
version. So the four banners in order
19:15
of color are yellow, white,
19:18
red, and blue, each
19:20
with a bordered and unbordered version.
19:24
Each of those constitute
19:27
an army which is at least on paper,
19:30
as many as 18,000 men of 60 companies.
19:34
However, as with any such military unit, what
19:36
its size is on paper and what is actually
19:38
able to deploy very
19:40
substantially from time and place. But
19:43
that is at least what it is supposed to be. So
19:47
these banners are divided into left and right,
19:49
but more importantly than that is the division
19:51
between upper and lower banners. There are three
19:54
upper banners. The upper banners are personally
19:56
controlled by the Qing emperor himself,
19:59
the first two of which, not very
20:01
surprisingly, are the plain yellow
20:03
banner army and the bordered yellow
20:06
banner army. Yellow being the classic
20:08
imperial color. Those came
20:10
under imperial domination under the reign of Hong
20:12
Taiji where he could control both of
20:14
them. Later on our current
20:17
Emperor will take over the white
20:19
plain banner after the death of his regent Dorgon.
20:22
I mean a little bit of a spoiler there but it's
20:24
also in the title. Dorgon's going to die this episode
20:26
and so after that the plain
20:28
yellow, the bordered yellow, and the plain white banner will
20:31
all be the upper banner armies whereas
20:33
the other five banners will be controlled
20:35
by the various chain princes but not
20:38
directly by the imperial line itself.
20:40
The other thing of note is that
20:43
the Emperor's personal guards and guards of the
20:45
Forbidden City were only ever selected from
20:47
those upper three banners. So
20:50
back to this banner-based controversy.
20:53
As punishment for his complicity in this plot
20:56
of putting the wrong wife in the wrong order
20:58
of the wrong banner, Zhugeong actually loses
21:00
his position as secondary regent. Sony,
21:04
the Grand Minister of the Imperial Bodyguard, was sent
21:06
to guard the ancestral tombs as punishment.
21:09
Oboy and others either fined
21:11
or lost property or both. In
21:13
their place, Dorgon's brother Dolduo
21:15
became the assistant regent and the plain
21:18
blue banner came under Dorgon's direct control.
21:21
And before this incredibly eventful week was
21:24
over, Dorgon had also shuffled his commanders
21:26
and made new assignments for a new campaign
21:28
against Jin Sheng-Huan down in Jiangxi.
21:32
Ho-Hui was shifted from his command of
21:34
the Manchu plain yellow banner to the bordered
21:37
white banner. Tan-Thai became
21:39
commander-in-chief of the plain yellow banner and
21:42
general-in-chief for the southern campaign with
21:44
Ho-Hui his second in command. By
21:46
the time they set out, however, Hau-ge had died
21:49
in prison. So he got all
21:51
that? Clear as mud, right? Yes.
21:53
It is just a whole lot of internal politicking
21:56
and shifting around of people who've
21:58
gotten into or fallen out of it. favor.
22:01
But reading through it and listening
22:03
to it I'm sure as well it sounds like
22:06
you're listening to a game of Twister. All
22:09
this to say, once the alleged conspiracy
22:11
against Dorgon was silenced, he
22:13
came out of it pretty much as a virtual dictator.
22:17
Over the next two and a half years, Qing dominance was
22:19
seriously challenged, but Dorgon's responses
22:22
reasserted Qing control and repaired
22:24
the political fabric. The
22:26
first sign that Jinshang Huan's revolt
22:28
in Janshi would not be an isolated event came
22:31
about May of 1648 when the Governor-General
22:34
of the Northwest, Meng Xiaofang, reported
22:36
a rebellion of militant Muslims in Lanzhou
22:39
and other frontier cities of the West. Muslim
22:42
communities had suffered along with non-Muslim ones
22:44
during the general breakdown of Ming imperial control
22:46
and Muslims had been among the rebels in the Northwest
22:49
since as early as the 1620s. New
22:52
Qing regulations controlling the tea and horse
22:54
trade on which the Muslims might have depended on
22:56
to improve their economic situation were
22:58
very much not to their benefit and clearly they were
23:00
not happy about that. There's
23:03
also significant circumstantial evidence that
23:05
a militant form of Suthism, which had reached
23:07
Suzhou on the Chinese side of the Jaiyue Pass
23:10
by the 1640s, may have influenced
23:12
the rebels in their efforts to join forces with
23:14
other militant group. Meng
23:17
Xiaofang managed to suppress the Muslims that June,
23:19
but not before they'd attracted attention by setting
23:22
up a Ming prince. Soon,
23:24
they spawned Ming Loyalist Revolt in Tianjin
23:27
and the bandit-prone Huai River Valley. Worse
23:30
yet, the Ming rallying cry echoed a
23:32
conspiracy between Loyalist literati and
23:34
the Provincial Brigade commander in Suzhou that
23:36
had been exposed the previous year. Meanwhile,
23:40
Zhang Chenggong was taking advantage
23:42
of the Canton Revolt to consolidate local defense
23:44
groups along the southeast coast in eastern
23:46
Guangdong. Even
23:49
the remnants of Li Zheqiang's armies in northwestern
23:51
Hu Guang, the very rebels that had toppled
23:53
the Ming in 1644, you'll remember, were
23:56
now professing supposed loyalty to the southern
23:59
Ming Yongleong. Emperor down in
24:01
Guilin. To his
24:03
credit, Dorgon was fairly quick to recognize
24:05
the seriousness of the Northwestern Revolt at
24:07
the outset and mobilized his forces strategically
24:10
to prevent a major Ming coalition from
24:12
coming together. The
24:14
pivotal garrison town of Hanzhong, on
24:16
the upper reaches of the Han River between Shanxi
24:18
and Sichuan, had served as Qing headquarters
24:21
for the recent successful campaign against Danshanzhong.
24:24
Dorgon dispatched additional banner forces
24:27
there to block communications between the Northwestern
24:29
rebels and loyalists in the Huygong region,
24:32
and sent General Wusan Gui and Li
24:34
Guo-Han to secure Sichuan. Ajiga
24:38
led banner forces to Tianjin and the Hui
24:40
River Delta, and Zhirgulong's
24:42
accuser, Tunzeh, was made general-in-chief
24:45
of a new Western campaign to block coalitions
24:47
with Guilin. Dorgon
24:50
sent Zhirgulong himself as general-in-chief
24:52
to another force to help Kongyuda in the
24:54
middle Yangtze. The banner
24:56
forces were suddenly back in action, and at this
24:58
point nearly fully deployed. And
25:02
as luck would have it is at this precise, critical
25:05
juncture in late 1648 that
25:07
a break in discipline among the Khalkhamangals
25:10
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25:12
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of the Qing's legitimizing claims was its control
26:17
over the Mongol tribes and its ability to prevent
26:19
marauders from encroaching on Chinese settlements.
26:22
Douduo had been sent to curb rebelliousness among
26:24
the Khalkas after his return from
26:26
the south in 1645, and since then
26:29
all had been quiet along the Mongolian frontier.
26:32
Now, however, and without authorization, the
26:35
Khalkas were gathering on the border for a hunt.
26:38
Hearing that they would enter in full force for whatever
26:40
reason it might be, Durgon called a
26:42
council at which it was decided that Adriga,
26:45
who had put down the Huai Revolt and Bo
26:47
Lo should lead a special expeditionary
26:50
force to Daton and prepare a defense. Soon,
26:54
Durgon himself was in the field, fighting
26:56
not the Khalkas, but the Gerasins meant to defend
26:58
against them. Zhang
27:00
Xiang, the Qing brigade commander at Daton,
27:03
apparently felt he had reason to fear the
27:05
advancing Banner troops. Sending
27:07
his subordinates out to greet them, he then barred
27:09
the city's gates and declared himself in
27:12
revolt. The rapid spread
27:14
of the revolt to 11 more cities in northern Shanxi
27:17
suggested a plot and an explanation for the
27:19
Khalka movements, as they had likely caught wind
27:21
of the rebellion and hoped to take advantage of
27:24
it. The addition of Banner forces
27:26
under Nican and Tunze, who had been
27:28
withdrawn from the northwest, held the Khalkas
27:30
at bay as the Qing forces tested the Gerasins
27:32
that had joined in the revolt. It
27:35
was at this inopportune moment then that the assistant
27:37
regent, Dolduo, fell ill with smallpox
27:40
in Beijing. Durgon returned
27:42
to take charge of the capital, where his brother died
27:45
on April 29, 1649. Before taking the field again, Durgon
27:48
recalled his older
27:50
brother, Adriga, to take charge of the capital
27:52
with the title of Supreme Commander of the Left. Nican,
27:56
Bolo, and Mandahai, the grandsons of Narhachi
27:58
serving on the northern front, were were then promoted
28:01
to imperial princes. Later,
28:03
they would serve as a triumvirate for the management
28:05
of routine administrative affairs. News
28:08
that Tan Tai and Hou Hui had finally retaken Nan Chang
28:11
from Jin Sheng Huang and that the Ming provincial
28:13
commander He Tongjiao had been captured and
28:15
executed in Hunan in early March reached
28:18
the capital while Dorgon was there, as
28:20
did the news that Li Chengdong had met his end while
28:22
retreating from southern Jiangxi. In
28:25
early summer, Dorgon ordered his trusted
28:27
Han Chinese generals, Kong Nu De, Gong
28:30
Zhongmin, and Song Kexi, south
28:32
from Hunan and Jiangxi in a two-pronged assault
28:34
against Guangdong. With
28:36
that done, Dorgon was at last ready to rejoin
28:38
the siege at Da Tong. By
28:41
the time Dorgon set out on August 8, 1649, such
28:44
a grandiose gesture of imperial command
28:47
in the field was surely unnecessary.
28:50
Victory in the south had relieved the pressure on Han
28:52
Zhong, the northern garrison rebels were
28:54
being suppressed, and Qing pressure at Da
28:56
Tong was already great. Moreover,
28:59
Dorgon's leave from the capital itself was
29:01
troublesome. He had to convene
29:03
the deliberative council to resist a bid
29:06
by Ajiga to assume Doro's title of assistant
29:08
regent in his absence. The
29:11
council agreed with Dorgon that Ajiga's demand
29:13
so soon after his brother's death was highly improper
29:16
if not suspect and recommended
29:18
that Ajiga be demoted from imperial prince.
29:21
Dorgon then spared Ajiga that humiliation
29:23
in return for his acceptance of the lesser title of
29:25
Supreme Commander of the Left. Dorgon
29:29
was determined to leave the capital. He
29:32
appeared tired of bureaucratic politics and princely
29:34
intrigues. He warned his officials
29:36
that they were not to interfere in the regular processes
29:39
of promotion within the various bureaus of the government.
29:42
No one, including princes, was to recommend
29:44
favorites no matter their merit. He
29:47
established a system of communications so that he could
29:49
make important decisions from the field and
29:51
instructed the heads of the six ministries and
29:53
other offices that they should take responsibility
29:55
upon themselves in his absence. He
29:59
appointed a small committee consisting of the returned
30:01
trusted commanders, Tan Tai and Ho Hoi, the
30:03
Grand Academicians Gang Lin and Fan Won
30:06
Chung, and one Grand Minister of the Imperial
30:08
Guard to manage routine administrative affairs.
30:12
For important state matters, they were to direct Ajiga
30:14
to convene the Deliberative Council of Princes and
30:16
Grand Ministers, which would then decide whether
30:18
or not the issue was indeed sufficiently pressing
30:20
to require an immediate response from Dorgon himself.
30:24
If it was not, they should await his return.
30:27
The wheels of government thus locked into place. Dorgon
30:30
set off to join the fighting at Dathong. October 4,
30:34
1649, Zhang Xian was betrayed by a subordinate
30:37
and the gates of Dathong were subsequently opened. The
30:40
banner troops then entered the city and the revolt was
30:42
put down. Qing
30:44
forces continued to divide and conquer rebel groups
30:46
in the northwest. With the pressure now off
30:48
in Shanxi, banner troops returned to Hanzong
30:51
and Meng Xiaofeng was able to mount a sustained attack
30:53
against the Muslim rebels in Gansu. There,
30:57
rebels under a local leader by the name of Mila
30:59
Yin had reclaimed control of the major
31:01
frontier towns of Ganzhou and Suzhou
31:04
as soon as Qing forces were withdrawn from the region. The
31:07
rebels had gone so far as to offer their throne
31:09
to Turumte ibn Sayyid Baba, the
31:12
Muslim ruler of Hami, a state just beyond
31:14
the Jaiyu Pass. By
31:16
year's end, the revolt that had first signaled
31:18
crisis in the north was finally crushed.
31:22
Sorgand meanwhile, apparently preferring the tastes
31:24
of battle to the taste of Beijing politics, had
31:27
set out for the Mongolian steps in pursuit of
31:29
the rebellious Calcas. Once
31:32
the tide had turned in the south, the Ming
31:34
Yongli emperor was forced to seek protection wherever
31:37
he might be able to find it. As
31:39
Qing forces moved into Guangdong in
31:41
February of 1650, the Ming
31:43
court left Zhao Qing and moved to Wuzhou
31:45
in southwestern Hunan. Within
31:47
the year, it would have to move farther to the southwest to
31:50
Nanning and a year later to Yunnan.
31:53
Kong Yudas Guangdong campaign had been delayed
31:56
by scandal and Gangdong means command, leading
31:58
to Gang's suicide and succession by his son,
32:01
Gong Zimao. Once
32:03
the campaign got rolling in January, it
32:05
succeeded in isolating Canton from the Ming court.
32:08
After a year of fighting in the hinterlands, Shan
32:11
Cuxi finally captured Canton on November
32:14
24, 1650, brutally massacring the city's inhabitants and setting
32:17
up his own princely command post there. Two
32:20
days later, Kong Yudha took Guilin,
32:22
capturing the loyalist minister, Chiu Shishu, chief
32:25
of the dominant literati faction. One
32:28
month earlier, Qing forces had taken control
32:30
of Zhou Shan, the island off the Zhejiang coast
32:32
where the Ming prince of Lu had held out until then,
32:35
forcing the prince to move to Amui to seek the Zheng's
32:37
protection. The Qing force once
32:40
again appeared equal to the challenge of conquest.
32:43
By this point, none were left to stand against Dorgon
32:45
on anything approaching equal terms, except
32:48
of course for the Emperor himself, at
32:50
least on paper. But the
32:52
fact of the matter was, the prince regent was even
32:54
beginning to behave like an Emperor himself.
32:58
In 1650, his wife died, and
33:00
at the age of 38, he took in marriage the widow
33:02
of his nephew Hao Ge, who earlier had
33:04
committed suicide on Dorgon's command.
33:07
At the same time, the prince regent ordered the king
33:10
of Korea to send princesses to be his
33:12
concubines, just as though he were the
33:14
son of heaven in truth. While
33:17
giving Bolo, Nican, and Mandahai more
33:19
control over daily administration, Dorgon
33:21
began to think of devoting more of his own time to
33:23
leisure. On July 31, 1650, he
33:27
informed the court that he was tired of the unbearably
33:30
muggy and humid climate of Beijing during
33:32
the summer months. Now, Beijing
33:35
had been a capital of China for so long that
33:37
it was not deemed to be politically feasible
33:40
or even possible to justify
33:42
moving the center of government elsewhere. But
33:44
upon investigating the histories of the Liao,
33:47
Jin, and even Yuan dynasties, he
33:49
had determined that they also had capital
33:51
cities beyond the wall outside the borders
33:53
of China. Taking them
33:56
as an example, he therefore resolved to
33:58
build a city and palace somewhere
34:00
in Reha, where he could escape
34:03
the heat of summer in the Yan Mountains. This
34:06
summer capital was to be a modestly-sized
34:08
city, because the Prince Regent did not wish
34:10
to impose too heavy a burden upon his
34:12
subjects. Nevertheless, the
34:15
various provinces of China were to be assessed 2.5
34:17
million ounces of silver, where
34:20
about 12% of all the taxes annually collected
34:22
throughout the empire. And
34:24
orders went out to assemble labor crews from
34:27
all over North China to begin the construction work.
34:30
That winter, Dorgon led a hunting
34:32
expedition beyond the Great Wall, and
34:34
on December 5, near Harrahoten,
34:37
the Imperial father, Prince Regent Dorgon,
34:39
fell ill. Although
34:42
he had no way of knowing it at the time, three
34:44
days later, Shang-ke Shi captured the
34:46
city of Canton from the Ming loyalists, achieving
34:48
a major victory in the far southern reaches of the
34:50
empire. Back up north,
34:53
the Prince Regent's health ever worsened. On
34:56
the last day of December 1650, the principal
34:58
architect of the new great Manchu enterprise
35:01
lay dead in Harrahoten. When
35:04
news of his untimely demise reached Beijing,
35:07
it stunned the court of Xinjiang. A
35:09
few days later, on January 8, Dorgon's
35:12
hearse was accorded full imperial honors
35:14
when it neared the capital and was solemnly
35:16
drawn through the Dongzhe Gate, along the Yuha
35:18
Bridge, past the streets lined with officials,
35:21
their wives dressed in white sackcloth standing
35:23
in the gateways behind them. Many
35:26
were in tears, and few could have guessed
35:28
that within weeks the name of the once
35:30
mighty regent would be publicly abused and
35:32
his followers thrown into prison in chains.
35:36
But shortly after Dorgon was ceremonially
35:38
entombed, it was currently announced that
35:40
the construction of the summer capital was to
35:42
cease. The poet Wu
35:44
Weiei wrote, quote, I
35:46
hear that the court stops building the upper capital. The
35:49
hardship of the people, however, is hardly
35:52
removed. End quote. Dorgon's
35:55
death at the age of 38 signaled
35:58
the end of an era. Of
36:00
Narhachi's sixteen sons, only
36:02
Baba Thai, who never figured prominently
36:04
in the conquest, and Ajiga, survived.
36:08
Of the banner princes of Hongtaiji's reign, only
36:10
Sir Hachi's son, Jugolang, survived. Overseeing
36:14
the civil administration in Beijing was the triumvirate
36:16
of Narhachi's grandsons, Nican, now
36:18
aged 46, Bolo, 36, and
36:22
Mandahai, 27, all of whom
36:24
had been appointed by Dorgon. But
36:26
these men did not control banners of their
36:28
own, nor did they have any influence
36:30
over the grand ministers and banner commanders
36:33
who'd survived the factional struggles of Dorgon's regime.
36:36
Thus it fell alone to Ajiga and Jugolang
36:38
to convene the council of princes and grand ministers,
36:41
who would decide how next to proceed. The
36:43
first move came from within the two white
36:45
banners, where Dorgon's men held sway.
36:49
On January 26, 1651, less
36:51
than a month after Dorgon's death, Ajiga
36:54
was imprisoned for plotting a coup. Most
36:57
prominent among his accusers was Sui's
36:59
brother, Ubai, another of Dorgon's
37:01
men, who had emerged from command positions in
37:03
the two white banners to the post of Grand Minister
37:05
of the Imperial Bodyguard. Speaking
37:08
in the deliberative council for the commanders of
37:10
the two white banners, he told of Ajiga's
37:12
attempts to lead them into a coup immediately
37:15
after Dorgon's death. As
37:17
the council met to hear Ajiga's case, Ubai
37:19
and Tantai, who was still commander-in-chief of
37:22
the plain yellow banner, transmitted the results
37:24
of the council's deliberations to the now twelve-year-old
37:26
emperor and returned with his edict.
37:30
In effect, the committee established by Dorgon to
37:32
rule in his absence had now prevented Ajiga
37:35
from taking Dorgon's place, leaving
37:37
Ubai, Tantai, Holhoy, and Ganglin
37:39
to mediate imperial authority. It
37:43
is apparent that after Ajiga's demise
37:46
in 1651, this small clique of Dorgon's
37:48
men was not sufficiently organized to propose
37:50
an alternative to Ajiga. Dorgon's
37:53
own heir, Dorbo, was too young
37:55
to serve as regent, and Doro's other
37:57
son, Doni, did not have the stature
38:00
to command the other princes. On
38:02
the other hand, neither Jergalong nor
38:05
the Triumvirus appeared ready to claim their regency
38:07
either. The politics of the previous
38:09
decade had left the princes without a host
38:11
of loyal followers and set Dorgons click
38:14
against the remnants of Hong Taiji's inner court
38:16
band. The council decided
38:18
to leave well enough alone and allow the child emperor
38:21
to himself exercise authority for
38:23
the first time. The struggle
38:25
for power among the princes and grand ministers
38:27
then continued within the deliberative council, with
38:30
Jergalong as a convener and Tan Tai
38:32
as chief transmitter. A very
38:35
unstable consensus prevailed.
38:38
Before the emperor's 13th birthday in March, however,
38:41
the tide had turned against Ubai and
38:43
the leaders within the two white banners. Among
38:46
the new grand ministers of the council was Suksaha,
38:50
a member of the plain white banner, who
38:52
served as prime witness against Dorgons click.
38:56
Ubai and his brother Subai lost their
38:58
rank in office, and gradually the
39:00
Dorgon regency fell into disrepute. Hou
39:03
Hui, still commander in chief of the bordered
39:05
white banner, was executed for his complicity
39:08
in Dorgons' self aggrandizement during his regency.
39:11
Tan Tai, clinging to his more favored position as
39:13
commander in chief of the plain yellow banner directly
39:16
under the emperor's personal control, supported
39:18
the opposition against Hou Hui and the others. The
39:21
opposition now included Soni, his
39:23
uncle and erstwhile grand academician, Hee-Fuh,
39:26
Oboy, Abilun, and two other
39:28
members of the yellow banners who had been recalled from political
39:31
exile to join the deliberative council in investigating
39:34
Dorgons' high-handed methods. Dorgons'
39:37
favorite grand academician, Gang Lin, was
39:39
dismissed and then put to death. Hee-Fuh
39:42
was reinstated and Soni was put
39:44
in charge of imperial household affairs. With
39:47
the regency abolished, the three inner courts
39:49
and the imperial household administration were
39:52
becoming the agents of imperial authority vis-a-vis
39:54
the six ministries and the banners. The
39:58
old opposition had won the day. and with their
40:00
victory, the institutions that would define
40:02
the next stage of imperial rule emerged.
40:06
Once this realignment of princes and grand ministers
40:08
became clear, the cases against Dorgon
40:10
and Ajiga were extended to implicate others
40:13
who might have set this new balance of power. With
40:16
Jirgolung in charge of the council, the
40:18
Triumvirs were relieved of the responsibilities for
40:20
overseeing the routine administration of the government.
40:23
Bolo and Nican were demoted temporarily
40:25
for trying to excuse Ajiga. Dorbo's
40:28
status as Dorgon's heir was denied. Finally,
40:31
in September 1651, Tan-Thai
40:34
suddenly found himself out of favor with a young emperor
40:36
on whom he depended for his own salvation. Tan-Thai's
40:40
problems with the young emperor presaged the
40:42
changing nature of inner court politics.
40:45
As part of the accession to personal imperial
40:47
rule, the emperor had been advised to proclaim
40:49
a general amnesty, as was the Chinese
40:52
custom. But the emperor was
40:54
now taking a personal interest in the problems
40:56
of corruption within the civil bureaucracy. When
40:59
a Han Chinese sensorial official brought corruption
41:01
charges against Chen Mingxia, a southerner
41:04
and grand academician recently appointed by
41:06
Dorgon, Tan-Thai pointed out to
41:08
the emperor that the censor had been in a position
41:10
to bringing these charges against Chen before
41:13
the amnesty was declared. Why
41:15
had he failed to bring them in a timely fashion,
41:18
and why had he brought them now after the
41:20
emperor had excused those previously
41:22
charged? Tan-Thai explained
41:25
that the deliberative council found the censor's
41:27
conduct questionable and advised the
41:29
emperor to dismiss the charges. The
41:32
emperor followed Tan-Thai's advice, dismissing
41:34
the censor and acquitting Chen Mingxia. But
41:37
the emperor is said to have regretted this decision,
41:39
as he was especially eager to root out corruption
41:41
and political collusion among his officials.
41:45
Perhaps his new tutors encouraged this
41:47
regret. The case raised
41:49
doubts in the emperor's mind about the intentions
41:51
of this battle-hardened official, who'd served
41:53
Dorgon so faithfully from beginning to end.
41:57
Oh boy, the rehabilitated imperial bodyguard.
42:00
that the time was ripe to charge Tantai with arrogant
42:02
abuse of power. Tantai's
42:04
support of Dorgan was now being called part of a conspiracy
42:07
against the throne itself. On
42:09
October 1st, Tantai was executed
42:11
for his part in this alleged conspiracy.
42:15
The transition to imperial rule was thus
42:17
completed. It was
42:19
the apparent end of the conquest generation,
42:21
one that had fought mightily and died young. Adjiga
42:25
was forced to commit suicide in prison before
42:28
the end of 1651. By
42:30
that time, the triumvirate of grandsons had
42:32
also dissolved. All three were
42:34
dead before another year had passed, as
42:36
was the former general-in-chief, Lekada-hun. Oboe
42:39
and Sony joined Suksaha and the Haugah
42:42
supporter, Ebelun, at the core of the
42:44
new regime. They would emerge
42:46
as regions for Fulun's successor in 1661. But
42:50
for the time being, at least, the reigns of government passed
42:52
into the hands of the young emperor himself. A
42:55
few trusted Han Chinese and Manchu officials advised
42:58
him, while the consolidation of the south was
43:00
left to the older generation of Ming turncoats,
43:02
Kongnida, Sang Kexi, Hong Chengqiu,
43:06
and of course, Wu Sangghui. The
43:08
first three years of direct rule by the Xunji emperor
43:11
saw major changes in the political process
43:13
of the early Qing dynasty. The
43:16
changes reflected the new balance of power that had
43:18
emerged after Dorgon's death. Dorgon's
43:21
crimes were described as breaches of the ritual
43:24
order demanded of a legitimate ruling family. He
43:27
had called himself Imperial Father and
43:29
begun to rearrange the tablets in the Imperial ancestral
43:32
shrine, placing his own mother beside
43:34
the mother of Hongtaiji with the title of Empress.
43:38
He further offended the court's sense of propriety
43:40
by taking Haugah's widow to wife after
43:43
his own wife's death in 1649. He
43:46
had authorized alterations in the veritable
43:48
record of Hongtaiji's reign to show that Nuhachi
43:50
favored Dorgon's mother and may well have wanted
43:53
Dorgon to be his successor. The
43:55
principal crime of Gan Lin and the other
43:57
grand academicians was their complicity in
44:00
this changing of the record. Holhoy
44:02
and Tantai were guilty of encouraging Dorgons
44:04
and Proprietes while benefiting themselves.
44:08
The new imperial advisors were quick to oppose
44:10
such capriciousness with strict ritual
44:13
order in accordance with ancient Confucian
44:15
codes. The historical
44:17
record of the entries of 1651 is punctuated
44:21
with detailed regulations concerning the
44:23
proper order of procession, the proper
44:25
manner of mounting and dismounting, the
44:28
correct nature of the privileges and the prescribed
44:30
apparel attached to each rank, and so
44:32
on and so forth. In 1652,
44:35
the Ministry of Rights recommended fixing the number
44:37
of imperial audiences, formal gatherings
44:40
to be distinguished from the deliberative Council of Princes
44:42
and Grand Ministers, at three per
44:44
month. An imperial
44:46
clan court was established to manage the
44:48
ritual affairs and genealogical records
44:51
of the imperial clan. This
44:53
new institution replaced offices originally
44:55
established by the eight banner princes in
44:57
Nohachi's time, further verifying
44:59
the breakup of the banners and consolidation
45:02
of imperial rule. The
45:04
demise of the commanders and grand ministers of
45:06
the plain white, bordered white, and blue banners,
45:08
which Dorgon had controlled, finally
45:11
allowed the emperor and his advisors to centralize
45:13
military power. The Manchu
45:15
banners were reorganized. The
45:18
plain yellow, bordered yellow, and plain white banners
45:20
were now assigned to the imperial household directly.
45:23
Although the imperial household department was not formally
45:25
established until Obo's Regency in 1661, certain
45:28
inner grand ministers
45:30
had served as managers of the imperial household
45:33
affairs since the beginning of the Shun Geron.
45:36
At the same time, the imperial bodyguard, originally
45:39
conceived as an elite force of Nohachi
45:41
and his sons and brothers, but later
45:43
expanded to include members of allied clans, was
45:46
transformed into a special force whose commanders were
45:48
called inner grand ministers, and
45:50
who were members of the three inner or
45:53
upper imperial household banners. After
45:56
Dorgon's death, the three banners were combined
45:58
for administrative purposes.
46:01
Although the precise relationship between the three banners
46:03
and the still shadowy household administration remains
46:06
somewhat unclear, control of the banners
46:08
passed into the hands of the inner Grand Ministers,
46:11
while the Reteed administration fell to appointees who
46:13
were Imperial Bond Servants.
46:16
Direct Imperial rule also brought changes in the relationship
46:19
between the rulers and the civil administration.
46:22
Shortly after Dorgan's death, Imperial edicts
46:24
began to present a new theme. The
46:27
Qing regime could no longer rest on its reputation
46:29
as righteous avenger of the Ming. The
46:32
conquest was over, at least so we
46:34
went to thinking of the new Emperor. But
46:36
the evils of Ming maladministration had not
46:39
yet been corrected. Dorgan
46:41
had it tired of the campaign to prevent corruption
46:43
and factional division within the Chinese bureaucracy.
46:46
During the Daton campaign, he'd ordered his
46:48
officials to avoid making personnel recommendations
46:51
unless a problem of how to control the government to a
46:53
select committee. Now with Dorgan
46:55
in disrepute, the censorate and the Six Ministries
46:58
began to influence personnel and policy decisions
47:00
once again. In his last
47:03
year, Dorgan had also completely reversed
47:05
the image created by his abolition of Ming
47:07
military surtaxes by appropriating two
47:10
and a half million tails in tax revenues from
47:12
the nine provinces in order to construct
47:14
his abortive summer palace for himself
47:16
in Rahel. The effects of his earlier
47:19
attempts to halt the accumulation of land
47:21
and peasants by bannermen in the north also
47:23
appeared undone by his own personal appropriations.
47:27
By allowing his estate to attach retainers
47:29
and their lands on behalf of his adopted heir, he
47:32
had, in effect, doubled the legal
47:34
limit for himself. This
47:36
news accompanied reports from the Ministry of Revenue
47:39
that retainers of banner estates were engrossing
47:41
larger and larger amounts of revenue that
47:44
should have gone to the state. Engrossment
47:47
by banner estates threatened to renew the problems of
47:49
fiscal insolvency and popular discontent
47:51
that had brought disaster to the Ming in recent decades.
47:55
With Dorgan and his party now as scapegoats,
47:57
the Xunja Emperor and his advisors could
47:59
turn the six ministries to counter this tendency
48:02
toward the erosion of centralized fiscal control
48:04
and more completely bind China to
48:07
the will of Imperial Qing rule. And
48:10
that is where we are going to leave off for today. Next
48:13
time we will be getting into the personal
48:16
reign of the Xunzhi Emperor over the course
48:18
of the 1650s.
48:22
Until then, have a great rest of your
48:25
October. And as
48:27
always, thanks for listening. See
48:30
you next time.
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